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\title{Political Ambition and Legislative Behavior in the European
Parliament}

\author{Steve Meserve $\quad$ Dan Pemstein $\quad$ Bill Bernhard
\\
\small{University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign}}
\date{April 13, 2006}
\MyLogo{}

\begin{document}
\maketitle

\foilhead{Studying Career Ambition in the European Parliament}

\begin{itemize}

  \item A legislator's expectations about future office affect the
    choices she makes while serving in her current position.

  \item The European Parliament (EP) houses legislators from across
    the EU, hailing from states with a variety of national political
    institutions, party systems, and political opportunity structures.

\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Career Ambition and Legislative Behavior in the European
Parliament}

\begin{itemize}

  \item Scarrow (1997) and Stolz (2001) find evidence for two EP
    career paths.  Some MEPs pursue long-term careers within the EU
    while others seek to return home.

  \item When group leadership and national constituency preferences
    clash, nationally ambitious MEPs are more likely to vote against
    their group leaders than MEPs pursuing European careers.

  \item Nationally ambitious MEPs will focus their defections on bills
    that deal with the scope and pace of European integration.

\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Determinants of Career Ambition: Individual Level}

\begin{itemize}
  \item Age
    \begin{itemize}
      \item We expect a curvilinear relationship between age and
        legislative behavior.
      \item Middle-aged MEPs will work to strengthen EU institutions.
    \end{itemize}

  %\item Gender
  %  \begin{itemize}
  %    \item Women typically have fewer opportunities to attain
  %      national office than men (IPU 2006).
  %    \item We expect women to defect less from group votes and to
  %      support pro-European legislation.
  %  \end{itemize}
\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Determinants of Career Ambition: National Party Level}

\begin{itemize}
  \item Party Size
    \begin{itemize}
      \item MEPs from large parties wield comparatively more power at
        home and may value national careers more than small-party
        MEPs.
      \item Small party MEPs have higher within-party visibility,
        increasing their relative probability of obtaining national
        nomination.  This increased expectation of success should
        trump the payoff difference.
    \end{itemize}

  \item Party's Presence in Government
    \begin{itemize}
      \item The career incentives generated by party government
        strength are similar to those produced by size.
      \item Parties who serve in government participate in the
        European Council and have a change to vet many bills that come
        before the EP, reducing intergroup conflict.
        %XXX this doesn't really make sense
    \end{itemize}
\end{itemize}


\foilhead{Determinants of Career Ambition: National Level}

\begin{itemize}
  \item National Elections
    \begin{itemize}
      \item Nationally ambitious MEPs will vote against their groups
        more frequently as national elections approach, especially on
        legislation that expands EU power.
    \end{itemize}

  \item Electoral System
    \begin{itemize}
      \item Home-bound MEPs must please both parties and
        constituencies in majoritarian systems, but primarily parties
        under PR.
      \item MEPs facing majoritarian national elections will have
        more frequent reason to vote against their group leaderships,
        especially on EU-expanding legislation.
     \end{itemize}
\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Data}

\begin{itemize}
  \item We collected roll call data from the 5th term of the EP,
    consisting of yes-votes, no-votes, and abstentions by 875 MEPs on
    5778 votes.

  \item We cross-referenced roll call data with bill codings, MEP
    biographies and with member state and national party level data.

  \item Time-varying data is at day resolution.

  \item We control for MEP ideology, voting rule, and RCV sponsor.

  \item The observation level is the MEP-vote.

\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Data: Group Vote Defections}

\begin{itemize}
  \item We classified group votes as those roll calls where at least
    two thirds of the group leadership attended and at which at least
    90\% of the attending leaders voted in unison.
    % Note that we dropped non group votes from analysis in talk

  \item On simple majority votes we code only those MEPs that directly
    voted against their group leaders as defectors.

  \item MEPs defect on absolute majority votes when they vote yea on a
    group nay or when they vote nay or abstain on a group yea.

\end{itemize}


\foilhead{Method}

\begin{itemize}
  \item The data are characterized by a complicated hierarchical panel
    structure.

  \item We include dummy variables to model the marginal effects of EP
    group, national party, and country on MEP deviation probability.

  \item To model the data's panel structure, we fit a crossed random
    effects model of the form:
\begin{equation*}
\begin{split}
  \text{Pr}(y_i = 1 | \vm{\beta}, \zeta_{m(i)}^{(m)}, \zeta_{v(i)}^{(v)}) 
  &= \Phi\left[
  \vm{x}_i \vm{\beta} + \zeta_{m(i)}^{(m)} + \zeta_{v(i)}^{(v)}
  \right], \\
  \zeta_{m(i)}^{(m)} &\sim \text{N}(0, \sigma_m^2), \\
  \zeta_{v(i)}^{(v)} &\sim \text{N}(0, \sigma_v^2)
\end{split}
\end{equation*}

  \item We use Bayesian estimation techniques.

\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Results: Overview}

\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{lccc}
Age & - \\
Age Squared & + \\
Young & & + & + \\
Old & & 0 & 0 \\
Natn'l Party Seat \% & - & - & - \\
Natn'l Party Cabinet \%  & 0 & - & 0 \\
Natn'l Election Time\tnote{d} & - & - & - \\
Majoritarian & & & + \\
Integration Bill & + & + & 0 \\
Young $\times$ Natn'l Election Time & & - & - \\
Young $\times$ Integration Bill  & & + & 0 \\
Old $\times$ Natn'l Election Time & & 0 & 0 \\
Old $\times$ Integration Bill & & - & - \\
Majoritarian $\times$ Integration Bill & & & + \\
Left-Right Ideology & + & + &  + \\
Integration Ideology & - & - & - \\
Left-Right Distance & + & + & + \\
Integration Distance & 0 & 0 & 0 \\
Gender  & 0 & 0 & 0 \\
Group Leader & - & - & - \\
Absolute Majority & + & + & + \\
Group RCV Sponsor & + & + & + \\
\end{tabular}
\end{center}

\foilhead{Results: Age}

\begin{figure}
  \begin{center}
    \includegraphics{../papers/figures/ageyrs}
  \end{center}
\end{figure}

\foilhead{Results: Age, Bill Type, and National Election Timing}

\begin{figure}
  \begin{center}
    \includegraphics{figures/colordummyints}
  \end{center}
\end{figure}


\foilhead{Conclusions}

\begin{itemize}
  \item There is a link between national parties' candidate
    nomination strategies and the pace of European integration.

  \item Young MEPs have the greatest potential to return to national
    politics and are most likely to contravene group leaders.

  \item Ambitious MEPs focus their defections on legislation that
    determines the relative strengths of EU and national institutions.

  \item Timing matters:  MEPs deviate more frequently as national
    elections near.

  \item Aspects of the political opportunity structure such as the
    size and governing status of national parties and the electoral
    system shape ambitious legislative behavior.
    
\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Future Research}

\begin{itemize}
  \item Directly trace career paths.

  \item Investigate incentives for agenda manipulation generated by
    MEPs' career-oriented behavior.

  \item Jointly estimate ideology and ambition.

\end{itemize}

%%% Beyond this point are QA slides

\foilhead{Descriptive Statistics}

\begin{center}
\begin{small}
\begin{tabular}{ld{-2}d{-2}d{-2}d{-2}}
\hline\hline
& \DHEAD{Mean} & \DHEAD{Std. Dev.} & \DHEAD{Min} & \DHEAD{Max} \\
\hline
Age                     &  53.07 &   9.21 &  23.12 &   79.31 \\
Gender                  &   0.34 &   0.47 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
Left-Right Ideology     &  -0.08 &   0.48 &  -0.81 &    0.82 \\
Integration Ideology    &   0.26 &   0.53 &  -1.00 &    1.00 \\
Left-Right Distance     &   0.05 &   0.06 &   0.00 &    0.85 \\
Integration Distance    &   0.14 &   0.21 &   0.00 &    1.31 \\
Group Leader            &   0.07 &   0.36 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
Natn'l Election Time    & 860.99 & 462.73 &   1.00 & 1824.00 \\
Majoritarian            &   0.27 &   0.44 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
Natn'l Party Seat \%    &  26.22 &  15.63 &   0.00 &   63.30 \\
Natn'l Party Cab \% &  24.02 &  36.14 &   0.00 &  100.00 \\
Integration Bill        &   0.23 &   0.42 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
Absolute Majority       &   0.13 &   0.33 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
Group RCV Sponsor       &   0.19 &   0.39 &   0.00 &    1.00 \\
\hline\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{small}
\label{tab:descriptive}
\end{center}

\foilhead{Results: Age, Bill Type, and National Election Timing}

\begin{figure}
  \begin{center}
    \includegraphics{../papers/figures/dummypanel}
  \end{center}
\end{figure}

\foilhead{Results: Model Fit}

\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{lccc}
\hline\hline
& Model 1 & Model 2 & Model 3 \\
\hline
No Random Effects       & 180,136 & 180,110 & 179,941 \\
MEP Effects Only  & 176,763 & 176,740 & 176,567 \\
Vote Effects Only & 159,011 & 159,004 & 158,845 \\
Crossed Effects  & 155,353 & 155,349 & 155,190 \\
\hline\hline
\end{tabular}
\label{tab:DIC}
\end{center}

%%% Not sure what to do with this...

\foilhead{Data: MEP Characteristics}

\begin{itemize}
  \item We recorded the age, gender, nationality, group memberships,
    leadership positions, and national party memberships of each MEP.

  \item We generated W-NOMINATE scores to measure legislator ideology
    (Poole \& Rosenthal 1985).
    \begin{itemize}
      \item Current research indicates their are two ideological
        dimensions in the EP: left-right and integration (Hix 2001,
        Hix, Noury \& Roland 2006).
      \item We split the dataset randomly, using half the votes to
        estimate ideology and the other half to test our theory.
      \item We consider both absolute scores and distance from median
        group members.
    \end{itemize}

\end{itemize}

\foilhead{Examples}

\begin{itemize}
  \item \includegraphics[height=1in]{figures/ingo}
    Ingo Schmitt (Germany, CDU)
    \begin{itemize}
      \item 1981--1999 Lower house representative in Berlin.
      \item 1991--1998 Deputy minister in Berlin.
      \item 1999--2005 Member of the European Parliament.
      \item 2005--~~~~~~ Member of the Bundestag.
    \end{itemize}

  \item \includegraphics[height=1in]{figures/bob}
    Robert Goodwill (U.K., Conservative)
    \begin{itemize}
      \item 1992 Lost Redcar general election race.
      \item 1994 Lost Cleveland and Richmond EP race.
      \item 1997 Lost Leicestershire North West general election race.
      \item 1998 Lost South Yorkshire by-election to EP.
      \item 1999 Won EP seat in Yorkshire and the Humber.
      \item 2005 Elected to the House of Commons for Scarborough and
        Whitby.
    \end{itemize}
\end{itemize}

\end{document}
